Physical Abuse Of Women In The Home Criminology Essay

Physical Abuse Of Women In The Home Criminology Essay The role of women in the development of any country cannot be overemphasized. Women play significant roles in the upbringing of children and in the maintenance of family harmony. Violence perpetrated on women in the home and outside the home has adverse effects on individuals within the family and society in general both in emotional and physical wellbeing. Sexual abuse is a significant aspect of domestic violence. If unchecked, the goal of having a healthy and balanced society is deeply threatened. Variables and factors which occur in varying proportions act as catalysts in determining or influencing human behaviour and actions in general and human behaviour in the home in particular. In examining physical and sexual abuse of women in the home, concepts and definitions are explored. In addition to the review of relevant literature, which would cover both international and Nigerian studies, this article examines perspectives and theories that seek to explain this social problem and c rime as applicable. These perspectives have been grouped into the following historical (to identify the origins of domestic violence); psychological which includes psychiatric approaches (concentrating on the individual offender and victim); sociological or socio-cultural (emphasis on institutions, structures, socialization, subculture of violence; and economic explanations. Feminist perspectives are incorporated in these explanations. Through the use of interviews, current opinions of stakeholders on this subject (legal practitioners, interest groups and the police) with regard to the Nigeria experience are discussed. Finally, possible remedies and treatment of the abused, and batterer shall be discussed. THE CONCEPT OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE The physical abuse of women in the home falls under the umbrella of domestic violence. However, in any relationship or family, the physical dwelling or home is a residential unit, abuse can occur in any location. On domestic violence, according to Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (2012): Domestic violence, also known as domestic abuse, spousal abuse, battering, family violence, and intimate partner violence (IPV), is a pattern of behavior which involves the abuse by one partner against another in an intimate relationship such as marriage, cohabitation, dating or within the family. Domestic violence can take many forms, including physical aggression or assault (hitting, kicking, biting, shoving, restraining, slapping, throwing objects, battery), or threats thereof; sexual abuse; emotional abuse; controlling or domineering; intimidation; stalking; passive/covert abuse (e.g., neglect); and economic deprivation. The focus of this article is mainly the female victim in the home. Other victims of abuse within the home include children, males or husbands, the elderly and domestic helps. Violence against children and women get reported to authourities more often than those associated with males. Domestic violence against a male victim is difficult to determine, as the male victim is usually reluctant to get help or report incidents for a variety of reasons such a negative response and attitude from law enforcement agencies, including the notion that there appears to be a high degree of acceptance of aggression against men by women (Wikipedia, 2012). What is physical and sexual abuse? Domestic violence covers physical and sexual violations for which there are provisions in the statute books for offences associated with it. Other forms of domestic violence such as child abuse and the abuse of the elderly are not part of the subject for discussion in this article, though relevant examples from other victims of abuse in the home shall be highlighted. In this paper, attention is on the physical and sexual abuse of women or the wife. The Real Life Dictionary of Law (Hill and Hill, 1995) defined the following concepts and offences: Domestic violence The continuing crime and problem of the physical beating of a wife, girlfriend or children, usually by the womans male partner (although it can be female violence against a male); Assault the threat or attempt to strike another, whether successful or not, provided the target is aware of the danger; and Battery the actual intentional striking of someone, with intent to harm, or in a rude and insolent manner even if the injury is slightà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦It is often coupled with assault (which does not require actual touching). A form of domestic violence on women in the home is sexual abuse. Sexual violations or offences can be categorized into buggery, indecent assault, indecency between males, rape, unlawful intercourse with a girl under 13 and under 16 years, incest, procreation, abduction, bigamy, soliciting by a man, and gross indecency with a child (Hanmer and Saunders, 1984). In a Dictionary of Law, A husband can be convicted for raping his wife, and a boy under the age of 14 can be guilty of rape. The maximum penalty for rape or attempted rape is life imprisonment, but this is rarely imposedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Martin, (ed.), 1994). In England and Wales, the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 (amended), defines rape as forced penile penetration of the victims vagina or anus by a male where the female is not consenting. This definition now includes sexual acts such as anal intercourse, oral sex, or penetration of the vagina by other objects (Painter and Farrington, 1997). Other forms of violence within the domestic domain honor killings, acid attacks and dowry violence. According to Wikipedia the free encyclopedia, (2012) an honor killing is the homicide of a member of a family or social group by other members, due to the belief of the perpetrators that the victim has brought dishonor upon the family or community. It is also noted that dishonour could include refusing to enter into an arranged marriage or the woman committing adultery. Also, another form is dowry violence and bride burning, which is known to occur in places such as South Asia, and bride burning is a form of the man or husbands discontent over the dowry provided by her family. It is said to be a problem in countries such as India. Another form of violence or abuse against women which has also been occurring in Nigeria involves the use of acids or corrosive chemicals. Acid bathe is the pouring of corrosive substance on someone. According to Eze-Anaba, (2007) this could cause permanent disfigurement of the victims, and unfortunately acids are readily available on the streets for purchase. She noted that acid baths first gained public attention in 1990 when a former beauty queen was attacked by her boyfriend because she refused to renew their relationship. Acid attack or vitriolage could occur out of jealousy or revenge, and the acid is usually thrown on the face, with long term effects such as blindness and permanent scarring of the face and body (Wikipedia, 2012). Certain countries with reports of such attacks include Pakistan, Cambodia, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and India. LITERATURE AND RESEARCH ON THE ABUSE OF WOMEN IN THE HOME A number of studies have been carried out on the abuse of women in the home. These studies include that of the effects of domestic violence or wife abuse on the family in general and the woman in particular. Some research has also been carried out on possible remedies and treatment for the victims and the offenders. Historically, prior to the mid-1800s, most legal systems accepted wife beating as a valid exercise of a husbands authority over his wife. Later, political agitation during the nineteenth century led changes in countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States. For instance, in 1850, Tennessee became the first state in the United States to explicitly outlaw wife beating. Womens movement of the1970s especially as it concerned feminism and womens rights gained a lot of attention. In England and Wales for the years 1885-1905, out of 497 murders committed by men, 124 were women murdered by their husbands, 115 were mistresses or lovers of their assailants and over 50% of all murdered victims were women with long relationships with the male murderer (MacDonald, 1911). The work of Wolfgang (1958) in Philadelphia revealed that during the 1950s the number of wives assaulted by their husbands constituted 41% of all women who were killed. In his study, only 10% of the murder cases were committed by wives. Wolfgang (1958) concluded that the home was the most frequent setting for severe violence. In another study, Dobash and Dobash (1979) revealed that 109 women interviewed reported 32,000 assaults during their marriages, but only 517 of these assaults (less than 2%) were reported to the police. They discovered that women rarely reported to friends, neighbours, doctors and social workers because of their expectation that the violent acts would soon discontinue, the anti cipated family shame, and desire to save the marriage especially because of the children. Other reasons include anticipated financial difficulty and psychological pressure in divorce proceedings. The national Survey of Wives in Great Britain carried out to determine the prevalence of violence by husbands and rape of wives in and outside marriage revealed that out of a quota sample of 1,007 wives, 228% of wives had been hit by their husbands, while 13% of them had sexual intercourse with their husbands against their will. Lower class wives and separated or divorced wives were likely to have been assaulted. In total, 22% of wives had been raped inside or outside marriage (Painter and Farrington, 1997). Further, based on 19,301,000 ever married women in Great Britain aged 18-54 in 1991 (Office of National Statistics, 1997), it was estimated that between 2,483,000 and 3,162,000 women have been hit by their husbands. Also, between 1,761,000 and 2,379,000 women have been threatened by their husbands, and between 2,936,000 and 3,657,000 have been hit or threatened by their husbands (Painter and Farrington, 1997). On rape, it was analysed that one in seven British wives had been rape d, and nearly all the raped wives (94.4%) were raped by their husbands when they lived together and on different occasions (painter and Farrington, 1997). A study in Papua New Guinea in 1982 revealed tht in the 19 villages sampled, 67% of rural wives had been hit by either their husbands and 66% of rural husbands accepted that they had hit their wives. Marital rape was said to be very common and is allowed by law (Bradley, 1994). In Brazil, reports gathered from the womens Delegacias (special police unit formed to address issues of domestic violence and other related cases) in a 1987 study of over 2,000 battery cases registered at the Sao Paulo delegacia from August to December 1985 revealed that over 70% of all reported crime against women occurred in the home (Thomas, 1994). In India before the abolition of the Sati rite practice in 1829 by the British, Narasimhan (1994) recounts, saying violence is not only attributed to physical battery or rape, and that culturally before 1829 in India, widows burned themselves to death on the late husbands pyre (pile of wood) to become a stati, exalted and deified. Surprisungly, in 1987 an 18 year old girl performed this rite. Furthermore, dowry deaths are common in situations where the woman commits suicide or endures whatever abuse in the home rather than have her parents disgraced by returning to their home or leaving the husband. Narasimhan (1994) noted that there still exists a pervasive belief governing the social perception of women as complete servants to their husbands. In African and Nigerian societies in particular, Eze-Anaba, (2007) observed that many of the victims do not speak out about violations of their rights because of the poor response from society. However, she noted that the situation has improved over the years through international and local policies and laws. She cites the examples of documents, the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action at the international level. Eze-Anaba, (2007) noted that Nigeria has incorporated the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, and the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child into domestic law. The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights has also been incorporated in Nigeria. However, she observed that Nigeria is a country where international human rights instruments have yet to be incorporated into domestic laws. According to Eze-Anaba (2007) examples of research in Nigeria include that of a survey carried out by Project Alert in 2001 women and girls in Nigeria were asked about abuses within the family unit. This survey revealed that in a particular state, Lagos, more than half of the participants confirmed their partners, boyfriends, or husband had beaten them. Reasons for the assault included drunkenness, financial problems and refusing to have sex with the perpetrator. A good number of the participants had reported the abuse to family members, the perpetrators family and to their religious leaders while some just endured the abuse. Interestingly there was no report of any respondent filing a complaint with the police or seeking redress in court (Eze-Anaba, 2007). Research conducted within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja by Owonibi (2008) revealed that the mean age of respondents who have experienced domestic violence within the home was 32 years. It was also observed that incidents of domestic violence decreases with age for instance from 41 years and above. This study highlighted that within the home, children and women are often victimized compared to males. Awusi, Okeleke, and Anyanwu, (2009) in a study on the prevalence of domestic violence during pregnancy in the Oleh community in Nigeria observed that domestic violence against pregnant women could expose victims to higher risk of complications during pregnancy. Using a questionnaire-based, cross-sectional study, from 400 pregnant women attending the ante-natal clinic of the Central Hospital at Oleh., 92% of the women showed complete knowledge of domestic violence, and 36% had experienced domestic violence during pregnancy. Further, domestic violence experienced were verbal (58%), physical (31%) and sexual (11%) abuses. The husband was the main offender (92%), and 77% of the women would rather keep the experience of domestic violence during pregnancy secret. Awusi et al (2009) noted that domestic violence against women cuts across ages, ethnicity, religion and educational status. Also, common risk factors include low socio-economic and educational status, early marriage, alcohol and s ubstance abuse by the partner and unemployment. They assert that the impact of domestic violence on pregnant women is increasingly being recognized as an important public health issue. Idogo, (2011) studied the effects of domestic violence on pre-school children She noted that some empirical studies show that children growing up in violent families are vulnerable to low cognition, and are likely to engage in youth violence, adult violence tendencies, and other forms of criminality. She also observed that in Nigeria, pre school children are tutored and raised up under the culture of violence. For instance, physically abused, punished and beaten for any misbehaviour in the home and in the classroom. Starvation is also employed as a form sanction in some families. Also children are often given adult tasks, such as going to the farm and market, and even used as guardians of younger children. Further, family violence could be transferred to the children especially from their mothers who tend to express their frustrations on their children. Thus, pre school children regress developmentally, and exhibit various forms of behavioural disorders, such as insomnia, nightmare , anxiety and violence towards their mates. The male perpetrator This is difficult to come by as men do not usually file complaints officially. However, information about the male batterer usually comes from the staff and residents of shelters of battered women (Roberts, 1981). The childhood experience and other variables are not normally taken into consideration in describing the batterer (Smith, 1989). In his treatment of 42 men, Smith observed certain features of male batterers, some of which were that as children, 21% of them were physically abused, 7% were sexually abused, 45% saw their mothers abused, 93% had battered previous partners, 62% were under the influence of alcohol or other drugs, 50% were currently involved with the Criminal Justice System, and 45% have been violent with others outside the family. Batterers usually deny their violent behavior due to embarrassment, guilt and shame (Walker, 1978). Some are also known to have low self-esteem (Falk, 1977), and project their anger from previous experiences into marriage. Societal responses to spousal abuse The effects of wife abuse can be categorized into physical i.e. extensive injuries to death (Dobash and Dobash, 1974) and psychological like symptoms of stress, weight loss or gain (Smith, 1989). This could result to thoughts of suicide (Stanko, 1985). Gayford (1978) revealed that suicide attempts were common and often repeated by battered women in his sample. Children are also known to suffer physically (miscarriages, still birth and other injuries) and psychologically from domestic violence with boys being most affected behaviourally (Jaffe, et al. 1986 and Wolfe, et al. 1985). How society responds to domestic violence is significant for treatment and rehabilitation. On Social Responses and Treatment, in the laws, changes have occurred in statute books in most parts of the world deliberately addressing domestic violence. For example, in Britain, The Homeless Persons Act of 1977-78 makes battered women a priority group for housing. However, Smith (1989) noted that the problems with legal remedies are in its complexity and delays in civil matters (especially in the burden of proof) unlike the criminal laws governing domestic violence. Closely associated with the law is the police who usually exercise their discretion in handling violent offences in the home in particular (Black, 1971). It was observed that the police are more likely to wave arrests of husbands for various abusive offences and the judicial responses usually neglects the same pattern in treatment and sanctions which are usually mild like fines and probation (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). The main argument being that prosecution and arrests may destroy the marriage coupled with the fact t hat most women do not usually press charges and testify in court. For Dobash and Dobash (1979) the system actually discourages and frustrates women with deliberately prolonged court proceedings and on the contrary, most women in their study actually followed up their case up to the final adjudication. According to Smith (1989), vigorous arrest policy would demonstrate social disapproval and might act as a deterrent to further violence. Welfare associations formed by the government and interested groups also play important roles in counseling, provision of refuge accommodation, and assisting in pursuing complaints to a logical conclusion. Maye and Timms (1970) observed that the orientation of staff or members of a welfare association can determine which cases they think are serious since they usually lack sufficient resources for their activities. The Womens Aid Federation of England declares its objectives as follows to eradicate and inform the public, the media, the police, the courts, the social services and other authourities with respect to the battery of women, mindful of the fact that this is a result of the general position of women in society (Smith, 1989). Other important groups relevant to remedies are the medical practitioners who usually treat injuries of abused women. They could intervene by counseling and other necessary actions within the law. For Dobash and Dobash, a conspiracy of silence often exis ts between doctor and patient. Family and friends are useful especially in giving emotional support to the victim. Citing examples from the Laws of Northern Nigeria, Criminal Code Act (1990), Cap 77 Eze-Anaba, (2007) noted that some provisions of the law, rather than protecting women from domestic violence, could encourage offenders by giving them opportunities to escape sanctions. She further stated that for instance, in Sec. 55 (1)d of the Penal Code a man is empowered to correct children, pupil, servant or wife. For Eze-Anaba (2007: 37), since there is no law against domestic violence in Nigeria, at best a victim who seeks protection under the law will rely on the provisions of the Criminal Code on common assault. The Criminal Code considers assault on a woman as a misdemeanor while assault on a man is a felony. Laws concerning domestic violence differ between countries. According to Wikipedia, (2012) most countries in the western world regard it as illegal, but this is not the case in some developing countries. The country Russia is cited where there is no law specifying domestic violence as a crime, even though physical violence is illegal. Another example is from the United Arab Emiratess where in 2010 a Supreme Court ruled that a man has the right to physically discipline his wife and children as long as he doesnt leave physical marks. The Encyclopedia also notes that social acceptability of domestic violence also varies between country. Eze-Anaba, (2007) observed that impediments to legal redress by women in Nigeria include lack of access to justice as they are not aware of their rights and do not have access to institutions that can remedy violations of such rights. Illiteracy is said to be one of the reasons for this situation. The formal legal system in Nigeria is said to be exorbitant for most Nigerians and especially poor women. Also, poor law enforcement riddled with corruption and stereotypes in favour of males are problems to contend with. Further, the tripartite legal system has its issues as elucidated by Eze-Anaba (2007:55) as follows: The Nigerian legal system is made up of three different systems of law: the statutory law, religious law, and customary law. Statutory laws include the Constitution, laws made by the government, and government policies. There are different types of religious groups in Nigeria with different laws for their members. The common ones are Christianity, Muslim/Islamic, and traditional religious laws. Customary laws include laws of diverse people of Nigeria, which govern personal matters like marriage, children, and inheritance. These three types of law are enforced by three types of courts namely the formal courts: customary courts in Southern Nigeria and Shari a courts in Norther n Nigeria. In principle, statutory law takes precedence over all other laws. In practice however, things are different. In the Northern part of the country, the predominant religion is Islam. Statutory laws are not necessarily more protective of women. The judicial system is male dominated and reflects the prejudices and stereotypes of the wider societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ THEORIES/THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Why are women abused in the home? The various explanations have been categorized into the historical, psychological, socio-cultural, feminist and multi-dimensional or integrative perspectives. From a historical perspective, studies reveal that wife abuse emanated from the enabling environment in the history of most cultures and societies which encouraged and condoned it. For Dobash and Dobash (1979), the physical abuse of women more especially wives is an expression of patriarchical (male headship of an organization or institution) domination. Since the legal, political, economic and ideological structures supported this, men used these avenues to possess, control and oppress their wives. For example, with regard to religion, the Christian account of mans creation, and the creation of the woman to meet his needs created a moral ideology that justified the subjugation of women especially in the marriage institution which provides a conducive atmosphere for the assault and physical abuse of women (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). In most traditional communities especially in Arica, women are viewed as part of the husbands asset or property. Thus, her treatment depends on his discre tion. Sexual violence relates to contempt of female qualities and rape is part of the culture of male dominance (Sanday, 1979). Akin to the emphasis on patriarchy is the feminist perspective. With regard to violence against women, this perspective draws attention to patriarchal societies that encourage patriarchal family structures that ascribes power in the home and in other areas of human endeavour to men (Power, 1988: 133). This creates the environment and opportunity for abuse and exploitation. The psychological perspective focuses its explanation on anomalies in the personalities of the offender and victim in this discussion these are the male batterer and the abused woman. In other words, under the psychological perspective, psychoanalytical theories focus on the individuals psychological makeup that encourages and accepts abusive behavior. Hyde-Nolan and Juliao (2012) draw attention to psychodynamic theories, one of which is the Object Relations Theory associated with character molding. According to Fairbairn (1952), this theory suggests that humans are motivated early in their childhood by the need of significant relationships with people in and out of the family unit. Thus, early relationships play a role in the individuals psychic development and consequently forms an enduring psychological template for future interactions and relationships (Hyde-Nolan and Juliao, 2012). They also state that first experiences usually comes from ones primary caregiver. For Zosky (1999) initial life experiences, if positive and adequate contributes significantly to the emotional health of the individual later in life. Thus individuals that experience poor nurturing during infancy and childhood may grapple with issues such as self-esteem, poor anxiety management and the inability to regulate emotions or emotional responses in the course of their lives. According to Zosky, (1999) it has been found that somen that engaged in intimate partner violence (IPV), had inadequate nurturing in their early years of development. Dutton et al (1996) also found that parental rejection and violence in the family was highly correlated to intimate partner violence in adulthood. From another perspective, it has been argued that people adapt to abusive situations having acquired the skills from childhood, and this may encourage victims to remain in an abusive relationship or household in their adulthood (Blizard and Bluhn, 1994). In sum in studies, Faulk (1974) and Gayford (1975) presented the male batterer as mentally ill, neurotic or disturbed. For Smith (1989), the focus on the pathological aspect of the abuser neglects the social, cultural and situational factors. Walkate, (1989) noted that this explanation does not bring into focus the recurring patterns of victimization since it focuses mainly on the individual in particular situations. The sociological or socio-cultural explanation consists of other sub-perspectives such as the subculture of violence, social learning, socio-cultural, control theory, conflict and economic inequality theories. According to Goode, (1971) if force does not exist, the structure of the family will be destroyed and the family like other social institutions requires or depends on force or its threat for its control. Husbands are most likely to use such force. Strauss (1973 and 1976) laid emphasis on deviant authourity cultures as the source of violence in homes as likely reaction when the wife is dominant in decision making. Smith (1989) using socio-cultural analysis explains violence in the home as a response to frustration, stress and blocked goals like in relative poverty, unemployment and poor working conditions. Hence, control theorists argue that the need to obtain power and control within the family or within relationships is a source of conflict. Hence, the threat of force is a common tool used against weaker members of the family such as women, children and the elderly. Thus in an attempt to secure and maintain control, the abuser may adopt methods such as intimidation, coercion, isolation, denial of personal responsibility or blame and economic abuse. Resorting to violence as a result of loss of control could occur as result of the influence of substances for example alcohol causes people to lose control, in addition to the inability to control anger and frustration. In turn, the abused or victim in an attempt to survive modify their behavior to suit their abuser (Bostock, et al 2002). This can also be referred to as learned helplessness the outcome of repeated abuse, which eventually prevents the victim from resisting the violence or leaving the relationship. On the subculture of violence, Wolfgang and Feracuti (1967) view violence as the outcome of a socialization process or subcultural patterns existing in certain societal groups. For Levi (1994), this theory does not adequately explain the origin of the subculture in the first place. However, Box (1994) argued that the existence of a culture of masculinity and within that, a subculture of violence creates these abuses of women as within our culture to be a real man is to be strong, powerful, independent, being able to always overcome resistance, and other attributes often measured by the number of sexual conquests. In socio-learning theory, social theories give attention to the learning process of abusive and violent behavior and how they are transferred to members of the family or group as the case may be. Closely associated with social learning theories are the cognitive behavior explanations that focus on the learning and transfer of abusive, violent and aggressive behavior between individuals. According to Capell and Heiner, (1990) research has found that young adults who witnessed and experienced domestic violence as children are more likely to be in an intimate relationship as either an abuser or victim. It is believed that criminal behavior is learned and the use of violence is a learnrd response from the company of others, gangs, groups or police enforcement techniques (Sutherland and Cressey, 1966). For Bandura (1973), aggression is learned through imitation (modeling) and sustained through reinforcements during the individuals life. Other socio-learning theorists are Schultz (1960), Snell, Rosenwald and Robey (1964). These proponents believe that he source of violence is a s a result of unfulfilled childhood experiences and deviant marital relationships (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). Studies that have focused on children suggest that experiences throughout life influence an individuals propensity to engage in family violence (either as a victim or as a perpetrator) (Wikipedia, 2012). Thus, researchers have identified childhood socialization, previous experiences in couple relationships during adolescence, and levels of strain in a persons current life are likely explanations for domestic violence. Thus domestic violence is a learned behavior through observation, experience and reinforcement. It can be learned in cultures, within families and in communities, such as schools, peer groups and workplaces. Hyde-Nolan and Juliao (2012) drew attention to the Violence as Trauma Theory, which argues how the victim of abuse process their traumatic experience in life can have an impact in their behavior and how the cope

Night World : Spellbinder Chapter 13

You know, he probably only loved you because of the yemonja,† Blaise said. Thea looked up from her seat in the empty chemistry lab. It was morning break, and this was the most private place they could find at school. â€Å"Thanks, Blaise. I needed that.† But maybe it was true. She'd almost forgotten that she'd used a spell to get him in the first place. That should make a difference, she told herself. If it was all artificial, I shouldn't even miss it. She still felt as if she were encased in ice. â€Å"Did you get it?† â€Å"Sure.† Blaise tossed a ring on the high table. â€Å"I asked her if I could look at it, then pretended I dropped it in the bushes. She's still out there searching.† Thea pulled the binding spell out of her backpack. Two anatomically correct dolls, both made with the blue wax Blaise used for her jewelry. Beautiful little creatures-Blaise was an artist. The male one contained the Kleenex with Eric's blood and a single sandy hair Thea had found clinging to her shoulder. Thea put Pilar's turquoise ring around the feet of the female doll and tied it with a red thread to keep it on. She held out a hand. From her backpack, Blaise produced a corked hexagonal bottle. The liquid inside was made up of all sorts of disgusting things, including ground bezoar stone. Thea held her breath as she poured it over the two figures, which immediately began to smoke. â€Å"Now bind them together,† Blaise said, coughing and waving a hand to clear a space to breathe. â€Å"I know.† Thea took a thin scarlet ribbon seven feet long and patiently began winding it around the two figures. It wrapped them like mummies. She tucked the loose end into a loop. â€Å"And there they are,† Blaise said. â€Å"Bound till death. Congratulations. Let's see, it's ten fifteen now, so he should have forgotten your existence by about†¦ say, ten sixteen.† She reached up and her hair ran like black water through her hands as she stretched. Thea tried to smile. The pain was bad. It was as if some part of Thea's physical body had been cut off. She felt raw and bleeding and not at all able to deal with things like French or trigonometry. There must be more to life. I'll go somewhere and do something for other people; I'll work in third world countries or try to save an endangered species. But thinking about future good works didn't help the raw ache. Or the feeling that if the ache stopped she would just be numb and never be happy again. And all this for a human†¦ It didn't work anymore. She couldn't go back to her old way of thinking. Humans might be alien, but they were still people. They were as good as witches. Just different. She managed to get through the schoolday without running into Eric-which mainly meant scuttling around corridors after bells rang and being tardy for classes. She was scuttling after the last bell toward Dani's U.S. government class when she almost collided with Pilar. â€Å"Thea!† The voice was surprised. Thea looked up. Deep amber-brown eyes, framed by spiky black lashes. Pilar was looking at her very strangely. Wondering at your good luck? Thea thought. Has Eric proposed to you yet? â€Å"What?† she said. Pilar hesitated, then just shook her head and walked off. Thea ducked into the history classroom. Dani said, â€Å"Thea!† Everybody sounds the same. â€Å"Where've you been? Eric's looking all over for you.† Of course, I should have realized. Blaise was wrong-he's not just going to forget about me and walk away. He's a gentleman; he's going to tell me he's walking away. â€Å"Can I go home with you?† she asked Dani wretchedly. â€Å"I need some space.† â€Å"Thea†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Dani dragged her to a corner and looked her over with anxious eyes. â€Å"Eric really wants to find you†¦ but what's wrong?† she whispered. â€Å"Is it something about Suzanne? The old gym's still closed, isn't it?† â€Å"It's nothing to do with that.† She was about to suggest they get moving when a tall figure walked in the door. Eric. He walked straight to Thea. The kids hanging around the teacher's desk were looking. The teacher was looking. Thea felt like a freak show. â€Å"We have to talk,† Eric said flatly. She'd never seen him look quite like this before. He was pale, glassy-eyed, hollow-cheeked. He somehow managed to look as if he'd missed a week's worth of sleep since that morning. And he was right. They had to talk to end it. She had to explain that it was okay, or he'd never be able to go. I can do that. â€Å"Somewhere private,† Thea said. They left Dani and walked through the campus, past the old gym with its yellow ribbon of police tape hanging limp and still. Through the football field. Thea didn't know where they were going, and suspected Eric didn't either-they just kept moving until they were out of sight of people. The green of the tended grass gave way to yellow-green, and then brown, and then desert. Thea wrapped her arms around herself, thinking about how cold it had gotten in just a week and a half. The last trace of summer was gone. And now we're going to talk about it, she thought as Eric stopped. Okay. I don't have to think, just say the right words. She forced herself to look at him. He turned the haggard, haunted face on her and said, â€Å"I want you to stop it.† Funny choice of words. You mean end it, break it off, put it quietly out of its misery. She couldn't get all that out, so she just said, â€Å"What?† â€Å"I don't know what you're doing,† he said, â€Å"but I want it stopped. Now.† His green eyes were level. Not apologetic, more like demanding. His voice was flat. Thea had a sudden sense of shifting realities. All the hairs on her arms were standing up. Caught without a working brain, she said, â€Å"I- what are you talking about?† â€Å"You know what I'm talking about.† He was still looking at her steadily. Thea shook her head no. He shrugged. It was a you-asked-for-it shrug. â€Å"Whatever you're doing,† he said with terrible distinctness, â€Å"to try and make me like Pilar, it has got to stop. Because it's not fair to her. She's upset right now because I'm acting crazy. But I don't want to be with her. It's you I love. And if you want to get rid of me, then tell me, but don't try and foist me off on somebody else.† Thea listened to the whole speech feeling as if she were floating several feet above the ground. The sky and desert seemed too bright, not warm, just very shiny. While her brain ran around frantically like Madame Curie in a new cage, she managed to get out, â€Å"What could I possibly have to do-with you liking Pilar?† Eric looked around, found a rock, and sat on it. He stared down at his hands for a minute or so. Finally he looked up, his expression helpless. â€Å"Give me a break, Thea,† he said. â€Å"How stupid do you think I am?† Oh. â€Å"Oh.† Then she thought, don't just stand there. You bluffed him before. You talked him out of knowing he'd been bitten by a snake. For Earth's sake, you can talk him out of whatever he's thinking now. â€Å"Eric-I guess we've all been under a lot of stress†¦.† â€Å"Oh, please don't give me that.† He seemed to be talking to a clump of silver cholla, eyeing the halos of awful spines as if he might jump into them. â€Å"Please don't give me that.† He took a deep breath and spoke deliberately. â€Å"You charm snakes and read guinea pigs' minds. You cure rattler bites with a touch. You tap into people's brains. You make up magical potpourri bags and your insane cousin is the goddess Aphrodite.† He looked at her. â€Å"Did I miss anything?† Thea found another rock and backed up to it blindly. She sat. Of everything in the universe, right then what she was most aware of was her own breathing. â€Å"I have this feeling,† Eric said, watching her with his green eyes, â€Å"that you guys are in fact the descendants of good old Hecate Witch-Queen. Am I dose?† â€Å"You think you win a prize?† Thea still couldn't think, couldn't put a meaningful remark together. Could only gabble. He paused and grinned, a wry and painful grin, but the first one she'd seen today. Then the smile faded. â€Å"It's true, isn't it?† he said simply. Thea looked out over the desert, toward the huge, bare cliffs of rock in the distance. She let her eyes unfocus, soaking in the expanse of brown-green. Then she put her ringers to the bridge of her nose. She was going to do something that all her ancestors would condemn her for, something that nobody she'd grown up with would understand. â€Å"It's true,† she whispered. He breathed out, a lonely human figure in that vastness of the desert. â€Å"How long have you known?† she asked. â€Å"I†¦ don't know. I mean, I think I always sort of knew. But it wasn't possible-and you didn't want me to know. So I didn't know.† A kind of excitement was creeping into his haggardness. â€Å"It's really true, then. You can do magic.† Say it, Thea told herself. You've done everything else. Say the words to a human. â€Å"I'm a witch.† â€Å"A Hearth-Woman, I thought you called it. That's what Roz was telling me.† At that, Thea was horrified out of her daze of horror. Stricken. â€Å"Eric-you can't talk about this with Roz. You don't understand. They'll kill her.† He didn't look as shocked as she might have expected. â€Å"I knew you were scared of something. I thought it was just that people might hurt you-and your grandma.† â€Å"They will; they'll kill me. But they'll kill you and Roz, too-and your mom and any other human they think may have learned about them-â€Å" â€Å"Who will?† She looked at him, floundered a moment, and then made the ultimate betrayal of her upbringing. â€Å"It's called the Night World.† â€Å"Okay,† he said slowly, half an hour later. They were sitting side by side on his rock. Thea wasn't touching him, although her whole side was aware of his presence. â€Å"Okay, so basically, the descendants of Maya are lamia and the descendants of Hellewise are witches. And together they're all this big secret organization, the Night World.† â€Å"Yes.† Thea had to fight the instinct to whisper. â€Å"It's not just lamia and witches, though. It's shape-shifters and made vampires and werewolves and other things. All the races that the human race couldn't deal with.† â€Å"Vampires,† Eric muttered to the cholla, his eyes going glassy again. â€Å"That's what really gets me, real vampires. I don't know why, it follows logically†¦.† He looked at Thea, his gaze sharpening. â€Å"Look, if all you people have supernatural powers, why don't you just take over?† â€Å"Not enough of us,† Thea said. â€Å"And too many of you. It doesn't matter how supernatural we are.† â€Å"But, look-â€Å" â€Å"You breed much faster, have more children-and you kill us whenever you find us. The witches were on the verge of extinction before they got together with the other races and formed the Night World. And that's why Night World law is so strict about keeping our secrets from humans.† â€Å"And that's why you tried to hand me over to Pilar,† Eric said. Thea could feel his eyes on her like a physical sensation. She stared at a patch of rock nettle between her feet. â€Å"I didn't want you dead. I didn't want me dead, either.† â€Å"And they'd really kill us for being in love.† â€Å"In a minute.† He touched her shoulder. Thea could feel warmth spread from his hand and she had to work to make sure she didn't tremble. â€Å"Then we'll keep it a secret,† he said. â€Å"Eric, it's not like that. You don't understand. There's nowhere we could go, no place we could hide. The Night People are everywhere.† â€Å"And they all follow these same rules.† â€Å"Yes. It's what allows them to survive.† He breathed for a moment, then said in a voice that had gone husky, â€Å"There's got to be a way.† â€Å"That's what I let myself think-for a while.† Her own voice sounded shaky. â€Å"But we have to face reality. The only chance we have of even living through this is for us to just go our separate ways. And for you to try as hard as you can to forget me and everything I've told you.† She was trembling now, and her eyes had filled. But her hands were balled into fists and she wouldn't look at him. â€Å"Thea-â€Å" The tears spilled. â€Å"I won't be your death!† â€Å"And I can't forget you! I can't stop loving you.† â€Å"Well, and maybe that was just a spell, too,† she said, sniffling. Tears were falling straight off her face and onto the rock. Eric looked around for something to give her, then tried to wipe her wet cheeks with his thumb. She whacked his hand away. â€Å"Listen to me. You did miss something when you were adding up what I did. I also make love spells for me. I put one on you, and that's why you fell in love in the first place.† Eric didn't look impressed. â€Å"When?† â€Å"When did I put the spell on you? The day I asked you to the dance.† Eric laughed. â€Å"You-â€Å" â€Å"Thea.† He shook his head. â€Å"Look,† he said gently, â€Å"I fell in love with you before that. It was when we were out here with that snake. When we just looked at each other and†¦ and†¦ I saw you surrounded by mist and you were the most beautiful thing in the world.† He shook his head again. â€Å"And maybe that was magic, but I don't think it was any spell you were putting on me.† Thea wiped her eyes on her sleeve. Okay, so the yemonja had nothing to do with it. Anyway, love spells just seemed to bounce off Eric-even the dolls hadn't worked†¦. She bent suddenly and picked up her backpack. â€Å"And I don't know why this didn't work,† she muttered. She took out a quilted makeup bag, unzipped it, and reached inside. The dolls came out as a bundle. At first glance they looked all right. Then Thea saw it. The male doll had turned around. Instead of being face-to-face with the female doll, it had its back to her. The scarlet ribbon was still wound tightly around them. There was no way that it could have slipped, that this could have happened by accident. But the dolls had been inside the case, and the case had been inside her backpack all day. Eric was watching. â€Å"That's Pilar's ring. Hey, is that the spell on me and Pilar? Can I see it?† â€Å"Oh, why not?† Thea whispered. She felt dazed again. So it couldn't have been an accident, and no human could have done it. And no witch could have done it either. Maybe†¦ Maybe there was a magic stronger than spells. Maybe the soulmate principle was responsible, and if two people were meant to be together, nothing could keep them apart. Eric was gingerly unwinding the scarlet ribbon. â€Å"I'll give the ring back to Pilar,† he said. He reduced the binding spell to its constituent parts, put them gently back in the makeup bag. Then he looked at her. â€Å"I've always loved you,† he said. â€Å"The only question is†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He broke off and looked like the shy Eric she knew again. â€Å"Is, do you love me?† he finished at last. His voice was soft, but he was looking at her steadily. Maybe there are some things you just can't fight†¦. She made herself look at him. The image wobbled and split. â€Å"I love you,† she whispered. â€Å"I don't know what's going to happen, but I do.† They fell-slow as a dream, but still falling-into each other's arms. â€Å"There's a problem,† Thea said some time later. â€Å"Besides all the other problems. I'm going to be doing something next week, and I just need you to give me some time.† â€Å"What kind of something?† â€Å"I can't tell you.† â€Å"You have to tell me,† he said calmly, his breath against her hair. â€Å"You have to tell me everything now.† â€Å"It's magic stuff and it's dangerous-† A second too late she realized her mistake. â€Å"What do you mean, dangerous?† He straightened up. His voice told her the peaceful interlude was over. â€Å"If you think I'm going to let you do something dangerous by yourself†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He wore her down. He was good at that-even better than his sister-and Thea was no good at refusing him. In the end she told him about Suzanne Blanchet. â€Å"A dead witch,† he said. â€Å"A spirit. And a very angry one.† â€Å"And you think she's coming back,† he said. â€Å"I think she's been here all along. Maybe hanging around the old gym, which hasn't done her any good since nobody's been there assaulting dummies. But if they open it to have the Halloween party†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"It'll be full of humans, all visiting those booths, all reminding her of what she hates. She can pick them off like ticks off a dog.† â€Å"Something like that. I think it could be bad. So what I've got to do is quietly lure her somewhere else and then send her back where she came from.† â€Å"And how are you going to do that?† â€Å"I don't know.† Thea rubbed her forehead. The sun was dipping toward the cliffs and long afternoon shadows had fallen across the desert. â€Å"You've got a plan,† Eric said matter-of-factly. Not you, Thea thought. I promised myself I wouldn't use you. Not even to save lives. â€Å"You've got a plan you think is dangerous for humans. For me, since I'm going to be helping you.† I will not use you†¦. â€Å"Let's make this easy on everybody. You know I'm not going to let you do it alone. We might as well take that as given and go on from there.† This is the crazy guy who ignores snakebites and attacks people with punch, she reminded herself. Do you really expect to talk him out of helping you? But if something were to happen to him†¦ The voice came back again, and Thea didn't understand it and she didn't like it at all. Would you give up everything?

China Blue Documentary

Erin Brumbaugh 03. 18. 2013 ChinaBlue/Ngai China Blue offered a different perspective on the working women of China in sweatshops. The quota levels and the pay was very disorganized, and called for very in-depth attention to the workers by management. In China Blue, the girl was marveled at the accommodations of the factory, and quickly realized that these accommodations, and the food provided was not free, nor were they really much better than her home life.According to Ngai, dormitory labor systems regulate the labor mobility, and control the labor force in a way that is usually not seen. Many of the laborers are migrant workers that travel from the countryside to the city to find work, and as seen in China Blue, these workers are often underpaid, and have strict regulations from being in the city. In both the article and the film, the factory controls the migrant workers, and the city provides legislation and/or policy that the factories must house them.By having dormitories onsit e, the factory is almost its own little city. It provides food, shelter, and because they control every portion of the laborers life, they can force them to work late, and penalize them for bad behavior, or not meeting their quotas. According to Ngai, the dormitory system is also stressful on these migrant workers as it removes them from their families. Isolation and maltreatment in the form of cheap labor is how China expects to compete globally.The force their workers to work long hours, subsidize their living expenses, and keep their wages low. There seems to be a force dependency upon the work. This is seen in the film. The girl was isolated, and unable to return home during the New Year. She was left by herself, and she relied heavily upon her fellow workers. However, the camaraderie between coworkers only extended so far. There is also the issue of adjusting to the new economy. As China entered the WTO, and the rural life became harder, people began to send their children to t he city to earn more money.These low educated youth are expected to work in the factories, and have very little knowledge of the world outside their farmstead. This is the major point discussed in the film. These factories make a lot of money exporting their goods abroad. China’s economy is based upon exports. And their profit margin increases when they don’t have to pay their workers well. It was seen quickly that when a strike was going to be staged, the manager in China Blue was willing to concede immediately to get their shipment sent. In order to do that, the workers were forced to work all night.

Crime and the Bahamas - 750 Words

Crime in the Year 2000-2013 Crime and Todays Society In the Bahamian Society today Crime is greatly affecting our tiny communities, it seems as though crime is everywhere. From something as simple as stealing a cellular device, to the more evident violent gang crimes, In the Bahamas crime plagues many of our streets today. In this research, as a group we sought out to seek reasons for the rapid increase of crime over the 40 years since the Bahamas gained its independence in 1973 and reasons that contributed to the increase in criminal activity. We looked at a society once back when, where our community was once not heavily impregnated with influx of criminal activity and violent crimes, and compared it to our†¦show more content†¦Once again , Komolafe stresses the fact that â€Å"It is imperative that we place priority on educating our people once again; otherwise we will not be able to compete in our own country, much less globally† The truth of the matter is that Bahamians need to take initiative and educate themselv es on the importance of how growing up without an education is detrimental to future generations of the Bahamian society, persons who drop out of school or only stick to a basic high school education will face hardship in their lives as they grow older because it is noted that Lack of education on their part means lack of money to support a family and this Lack of steady income translates into stealing or breaking into other persons homes or convenience stores to obtain what is need to saturate their ownShow MoreRelatedGambling in The Bahamas: Should it Be Legalized? 1821 Words   |  7 Pagesto gamble is a right given to several matured persons living in the United Sates for the purpose of amusement. 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